CHAPTER 10
THE ARCHITECTURE OF STRATIFICATION:
SOCIAL CLASS AND INEQUALITY

Sociologists at Work

Ralf Dahrendorf
Explaining Class Conflict

In the mid-1800s, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels rocked the world of ideas with their theory of social class. Their model classifies people as capitalists, workers, or petite bourgeoisie (primarily self-employed skilled workers and businesspeople) and notes that conflict among these groups is inevitable.

An industrial revolution and two world wars later, some social scientists were looking for more modern ways to explain conflict within societies. Notably, sociologist Ralf Dahrendorf designed a new model to accommodate the realities of a more complex economic system.¹

Dahrendorf based his ideas on extensive observations of society and a careful study of the theories and research of other social scientists. Dahrendorf distinguished social classes on the basis of the individual's ability to exercise authority. In contrast, Marx and Engels had classified people on the basis of their ownership of the means of production.

Dahrendorf lumped together all those who exert authority over others, whether or not they own the means of production, into the "command class." ² The command class includes not only capitalist owners but all levels of managers and supervisors as well.

On the other end are members of the "obey class," workers who are subject to the authority of others but exercise none themselves.

Dahrendorf also identified what he called the "classless group," self-employed people who neither exercise authority nor are subject to itóroughly analogous to Marx and Engels's petite bourgeoisie.

Since Dahrendorf formulated his model, other conflict theorists have come up with further refinements.

However, they all share the assumption that people fall into different classes based on their ownership of the means of production and their ability to exercise authority or control. Moreover, they all share the assumption that the interests of people in these different classes are bound to conflict, creating tension and often social change.

¹ Dahrendorf, R. 1959. Class and class conflict in industrial society. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
² Robinson, R. V., & Kelley, J. 1979. "Class as conceived by Marx and Dahrendorf: Effects on income inequality and politics in the United States and Great Britain." American Sociological Review, 44, 38-58.

Susan Ostrander
Upper-Class Consciousness

To examine the issue of class consciousness, sociologist Susan Ostrander conducted in-depth interviews with 38 upper-class women in a large midwestern city.¹ These women belonged to distinctly upper-class clubs, lived in the wealthiest areas of the city, had husbands who worked in the top echelons of business, and sent their children to private schools.

The women who were interviewed showed an obvious sense of "we-ness": a sense of belonging and a feeling of cohesiveness with other wealthy individuals. Their daily activities, which included volunteer and charity work, were clearly organized around class-related behaviors and values.

Nevertheless, when asked directly whether they considered themselves upper class, these women quickly rejected the use of the term, with comments like these:

I hate [the term] upper class. It's so non-upper class to use it. I just call it "all of us," those of us who are well-born.

I hate to use the word "class." We're responsible, fortunate people, old families, the people who have something.

I wouldn't classify anyone as upper class, just as productive, worthwhile people.

We're not supposed to have layers [in our society]. I'm embarrassed to admit to you that we do, and that I feel superior at my social level. I like being part of the upper crust.

Ostrander concluded that class consciousness is not a matter of how people identify themselves but a matter of how people act. Despite an unwillingness to call themselves upper class, the activities of these wealthy women clearly indicate that they are.

The implications are profoundly important: If those at the top are reluctant to acknowledge that a class structure exists, then any strategy to eliminate class inequality will be seen by those with the power to make changes as unnecessary and will therefore receive little attention.

¹ Ostrander, S. 1980. "Upper class women: Class consciousness as conduct and meaning." In G. W. Domhoff (Ed.), Power structure research. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.