Schneider, H. (2001). Victimological developments in the world during the past three decades (I): A study of comparative victimology. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology,45, 449. doi:10.1177/009385487800500303

Abstract: During the past three decades, 10 international symposia on victimology have taken place at the following locations: Jerusalem (1973); Boston (1976); Munster, Germany (1979); Tokyo and Kyoto (1982); Zagreb, Croatia (1985); Jerusalem (1988); Rio de Janeiro (1991); Adelaide, Australia (1994); Amsterdam (1997); and Montreal (2000). In the two parts of this article, a comprehensive overview of the discussion results of these symposia and of the most important literature contributions to criminological victimization research over the past three decades will be presented. In the first part of this article, empirical victim research, international risk of victimization, and national risk in Germany will be discussed. Four groups of victims, serving as examples, will be analyzed in more detail: foreigners, women (rape), children (sexual abuse), and older persons (physical abuse). The causes of victimization will be explored: These comprise social, structural, cultural, and institutional victimization. The concept of victim precipitation, the lifestyle-routine-opportunity model, and the routine activity theory will be described.

1. What are some advantages and disadvantages of using victim surveys in the study of crime?
2. Why is so much sexual victimization underreported?
3. What is the “Dark Figure of Crime?”
4. Although older persons are generally at lower risk than young people to be victimized, why do they represent a particularly threatened group?

O’Connell, M. (2008). Victimology: A social science in waiting? International Review of Victimology, 15(2), 91–104.

Abstract: Victimology was first proposed as a social science in the 1940s during a shift in interest in victims to gain a better understanding of crime. The early victimologists focused on the role that victims played in crime, which resulted in the concept that some victims contribute to, or precipitate, their victimization. Later victimologists focused on the process of victimization, including the treatment of victims in the criminal justice system. These and other theoretical perspectives have evolved from data obtained from various investigational techniques such as victim surveys. As empirical knowledge has evolved so too has the push for victimology to be considered a social science. This paper canvasses the debate on whether victimology is a social science. It proposes that victimology cannot be a social science unless victimologists apply a scientific method. This paper also argues that victimology, like other social sciences, cannot employ the pure scientific method associated with the natural sciences but victimologists should be empirical, theoretical, and cumulative. As well, it gives an overview of several steps taken by victimologists to raise the status of their fledgling science, including establishing institutes and even proposing a single victim-centered theory. It concludes that victimology has not yet attained the status of a social science but also it is no longer just a subdiscipline of criminology, as it once stood accused.

1. How was victimology as a social science “weighed down by criminological roots?”
2. Why are victimologists limited in their ability to apply the scientific method to their research?
3. What should be the main functions of a general victimological theory?

Marion, N. E. (1995). The federal response to crime victims, 1960–1992. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 10(4), 419–436. doi: 10.1177/088626095010004003

Abstract: The federal government has responded to the victims’ movement by proposing and passing legislation to expand the rights and protection of victims of crime. This study describes the federal activity surrounding victims of crime and traces the history of federal legislation and spending from the Kennedy administration to the Bush administration. It demonstrates that the federal government has become more active in the fight to provide victims with increasing rights, but has done so slowly. The symbolic nature of victims' compensation programs and victim impact statements is also discussed.

1. How did the Federal Victim Witness Protection Act change how the federal government responded to crime victims?
2. How does public opinion about crime affect legislative activity?
3. Other than legislation, how can federal attention to victims of crime be measured?

Christie, N. (2010). Victim movements at a crossroad. Punishment and Society, 12(2), 115–122. doi: 10.1177/1462474509357978

Abstract: Victim movements are growing in most western countries. This is a natural consequence of modernity. Neighborhoods are weakened, state control moves in and victims might feel they are left behind, forgotten in the legal process. Now they demand a new entrance. This is easy to understand but difficult to absorb in a penal process. Victim power might be a strong driving force toward the punitive society. And maybe it is bad also for victims. Civil meetings between victims and the persons or systems that might have hurt them might be more constructive alternatives, both for victims and their communities. In such meetings, there are no limits to what can be expressed. Here delivery of pain is not at the center, but the question of what happened, how could you do this to me or mine, or to values dear to us? Victim movements stand at a crossroad. They might strengthen civil societies and their members or create further damage.

1. What is the relationship between the “law and order” view of politicians and the success or failure of victim movements?
2. How does restorative justice provide power to victims?
3. What does the author mean when he says that the strength of the penal courts is their weakness?

Boudreaux, M. (2001). Behavioral perspectives on child homicide: The role of access, vulnerability, and routine activities theory. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 2, 56–78. doi: 10.1177/1524838001002001004

Abstract: This article reviews existing research on the topics of child abduction and child homicide and attempts to identify and assess potential victim risk factors through a discussion of victim access, vulnerability, and routine activities theory. For example, are children of certain ages or genders more likely to be targeted by offenders? Who are the offenders in child homicides and what are the relationships between the offenders and their victims? Does motive or crime technique differ between offenders who have familiarity with victims versus those who are strangers? Ecological perspectives on child homicide are also discussed, including the concepts of competition, predation, and developmental victimology. Research that addresses these questions directly benefits law enforcement personnel, social workers, and forensic scientists actively working on child homicide cases, and social scientists involved in the formulation of child homicide prevention programs and policies. In addition, this information helps improve prevention programs designed to protect children, helps children protect themselves, and provides potential avenues for identifying offenders in such cases.

1. Why do law enforcement agencies generally consider children to be at comparatively low risk for homicides?
2. Why does the age of children make a difference in their risk of victimization?
3. Why are females three times as likely as males to be abducted between preschool and high school?
4. Research shows that most offenders don’t choose their victims randomly. How do victims generally become the target of offenders?

Fagan, A. (2011). Repeat offending and repeat victimization: Assessing similarities and differences in psychosocial risk factors. Crime and Delinquency, 57, 732. doi: 10.1177/1524838001002001004

Abstract: The overlap between victims and offenders is increasingly being recognized, with mounting evidence that victims and offenders have similar demographic characteristics. Victimization increases the likelihood of offending and that offenders are at high risk of becoming victims of crime. Despite this evidence, there is limited research regarding the extent to which repeat victims are likely to be repeat offenders, and few studies have assessed whether predictors of repeat victimization and repeat offending are similar. Using data from a longitudinal study of young people in Brisbane, Australia, this study demonstrates that despite some overlap, there are some important differences in predictors of repeat offenders and repeat victims.

1. According to routine activities theory, why does offending behavior increase one’s risk of victimization?
2. Why is it important to study and ultimately prevent repeat victimization and repeat offending?
3. Why was it an unexpected finding in this research that the older respondents were more likely to be victims than the younger respondents?
4. What types of other problem outcomes are common for someone to experience after victimization?

Pinchevsky, G. M., Fagan, A. A., & Wright, E. M. (2013). Victimization experiences and adolescent substance use: Does the type and degree of victimization matter? Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 29(2), 299–319.

Abstract: Evidence indicates an association between victimization and adolescent substance use, but the exact nature of this relationship remains unclear. Some research focuses solely on the consequences of experiencing indirect victimization (e.g., witnessing violence), others examine direct victimization (e.g., being personally victimized), and still others combine both forms of victimization without assessing the relative impact of each on substance use. Furthermore, many of these studies only assess these relationships in the short term using cross-sectional data. This study uses data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN) to explore the impact of experiencing only indirect victimization, only direct victimization, both forms of victimization, and no victimization on substance use at two time points during adolescence. We find that of those adolescents who are victimized, the majority experience indirect victimization only, followed by experiencing both forms of victimization, and experiencing direct victimization only. Each of the victimization experiences were associated with increased contemporaneous substance use, with the strongest effects for those experiencing multiple forms of violence. For all victims, however, the impact on substance use declined over time.

1. How does General Strain Theory explain the association between victimization and offending?
2. Why does GST suggest that experiencing multiple forms of victimization is most detrimental?
3. Why was it important to study both direct and indirect victimization?

Sullivan, C. J., Wilcox, P., & Ousey, G. C. (2011). Trajectories of victimization from early to mid-adolescence. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 38(1), 85–104.

Abstract: A rapidly growing body of criminological research focuses on longitudinal trajectories of offending, with the aim of exploring stability and change in antisocial behavior. A particularly intriguing debate within this area involves the issue of whether there are multiple classes of offenders defined by distinct longitudinal patterns of offending. Parallel research on criminal victimization, however, is lacking, with few studies exploring potential variation in individual trajectories of victimization. The current analysis uses data from a panel of nearly 4,000 adolescents observed across a 4-year period to address this question. The authors examined whether there are distinct classes of victimization trajectories across this time period. The analysis revealed four groups. Descriptive analyses for key correlates of victimization were then conducted to explore their potential correspondence with those of the observed victimization classes. The findings have implications for theory and empirical research regarding between-individual differences and intraindividual change in victimization.

1. How did Schreck explain the effect of low self-control on victimization?
2. In addition to low self-control, what other time-stable traits may affect the risk of victimization over time?
3. What various pathways of victimization have been proposed?
4. What are the stable and variable trajectories of victimization identified by this study?
5. How does this study contribute to understanding of the victim/offender overlap?

Reyns, B. W., & Randa, R. (2015). Victim reporting behaviors following identity theft: Results from the national crime victimization survey. Crime and Delinquency 63, 814-838.

Abstract: The current study investigates the decision by victims to report the crime to the police following identity theft victimization. Potential influences on the reporting decision are framed around two criminal justice theories—focal concerns theory and Gottfredson and Gottfredson’s theory of criminal justice decision-making. The data used to examine this decision were collected from a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults as a supplement to the 2012 National Crime Victimization Survey. Results suggest that the decision to contact law enforcement is based on the seriousness of the offense, the victim’s knowledge of who committed the crime and how it was perpetrated, as well as practical considerations. These findings parallel other research into victim decision-making generally, while also highlighting factors that may be unique to identity theft, notably the effects of income. The results also support the use of criminal justice theory to study and understand victim decision-making.

1. What do Gottfredson and Gottfredson mean when they refer to victims as the “gatekeepers’ of the criminal justice process?
2. What general patterns have been found regarding victim characteristics and reporting?
3. What factors appear to most influence victim reporting decisions and how were these relationships explained?
4. What factors were found that were unique to identity theft reporting and why were those factors influential for identity theft but not for other crimes?

May, D. C., Rader, N. E., & Goodrum, S. (2010). A gendered assessment of the “threat of victimization”: Examining gender differences in fear of crime, perceived risk, avoidance, and defensive behaviors. Criminal Justice Review, 35, 159. doi: 10.1177/0734016809349166

Abstract: Rader has called for a change in how researchers study fear of crime, suggesting that fear of crime, perceptions of risk, and experiences with victimization are interrelated dimensions of the larger “threat of victimization” concept. In this study, the authors examine how each independent dimension affects additional theoretical dimensions of the “threat of victimization” and how these relationships vary by gender. Using data from residents of Kentucky, the authors estimate a series of multivariate linear and logistic regression models. The findings presented here suggest that gender differences do exist in the components of the threat of victimization and that many of the relationships in the Rader model are multifaceted, including the relationship between perceived risk, fear of crime, and avoidance and defensive behaviors. Implications of these findings for future research regarding predictors of the threat of victimization are discussed.

1. What components work together to create the threat of victimization?
2. What are some of the reasons that women are reported to state greater levels of fear of crime?
3. What findings related to avoidance and/or defensive behaviors by the authors of this study are contrary to the findings in the general literature on fear of crime?
4. What explanations were presented for explaining the different levels of fear of crime by males and females after being a victim of a property crime?

Chan, K. L., & Cho, E. Y. (2010). A review of cost measures for the economic impact of domestic violence. Trauma Violence Abuse, 11, 129–143. doi: 10.1177/1524838010374371

Abstract: Although economic analyses of domestic violence typically guide decisions concerning resource allocation, allowing policymakers to make better informed decisions on how to prioritize and allocate scarce resources, the methods adopted to calculate domestic violence costs have varied widely from study to study. In particular, only a few studies have reviewed the cost measures of the economic impact of domestic violence. This article reviews and compares these measures by covering approaches to categorizing costs, the cost components, and ways to estimate them and recommends an integrated framework that brings the various approaches together. Some issues still need to be addressed when further developing measures such as including omitted but significant measures and expanding the time horizons of others. The implications for future study of domestic violence costs are discussed.

1. Why is it important that researchers have been placing more focus on the economic costs of intimate partner violence?
2. In comparing the costs of intimate partner violence between the United States and other countries, there have been some inconsistencies, which make it difficult to compare accurately. What are some of these inconsistencies?
3. What are the differences of tangible and intangible costs as it relates to violence against women?
4. What are the differences of direct costs as opposed to indirect costs as it relates to violence against women?

Miller, R. N., Fagan, A. A., & Wright, E. M. (2014). The moderating effects of peer and parental support on the relationship between vicarious victimization and substance use. Journal of Drug Issues, 44(4), 362–380. doi: 10.1177/0022042614526995

Abstract: General strain theory (GST) hypothesizes that youth are more likely to engage in delinquency when they experience vicarious victimization, defined as knowing about or witnessing violence perpetrated against others, but that this relationship may be attenuated for those who receive social support from significant others. Based on prospective data from youth aged 8–17 participating in the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN), this article found mixed support for these hypotheses. Controlling for prior involvement in delinquency, as well as other risk and protective factors, adolescents who reported more vicarious victimization had an increased likelihood of alcohol use in the short term, but not the long term, and victimization was not related to tobacco or marijuana use. Peer support did not moderate the relationship between vicarious victimization and substance use, but family support did. In contrast to strain theory’s predictions, the relationship between vicarious victimization and substance use was stronger for those who had higher compared with lower levels of family support. Implications of these findings for strain theory and future research are discussed.

1. How is vicarious victimization a form of strain and what effects does general strain theory (GST) predict it will have on adolescents?
2. What is social support and how does GST suggest it may affect the relationship between victimization and delinquent behaviors such as substance use?
3. What did this research find about the short- and long-term effects of vicarious victimization on various types of substance use and how did social support affect the relationship?
4. What explanations are presented for the lack of consistency between the research findings and GST predictions?

Reeves, C., & O’Leary-Kelly, A. M. (2007). The effects and costs of intimate partner violence for work organizations. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 22(3), 327–344. doi: 10.1177/0886260506295382

Abstract: This study examines the productivity-related effects and costs of intimate partner violence (IPV) on the workplace. Specifically, it explores whether IPV victims and non-victims differ in the number of work hours missed due to absenteeism, tardiness, and work distraction and the costs for employers from these missed work hours. The research involved a web-based survey of 823 male and 1,550 female employees in three midsized organizations. Employees who reported lifetime IPV victimization, but not current victimization, missed more hours of work because of absenteeism than did non-victims. Current victims, but not lifetime victims, were more likely to be distracted at work than non-victims. Organization costs due to absenteeism and tardiness were greater for lifetime victims than non-victims; however, no difference in costs was found for current victims. Overall, we found that IPV has negative effects on organizations but that the nature and cost of these effects vary by type of victimization.

1. What types of work-related effects and costs do business organizations bear from IPV?
2. What differences were found in the work-related challenges faced by recent and lifetime victims of IPV and how can these differences be explained?
3. What is the relationship between IPV victimization and salary and what are the possible explanations for this relationship? Why is the causality in the relationship unclear?
4. Why is it important to attempt to quantify the economic costs of IPV to businesses?

Kuijpers, K. F., Van Der Knapp, L. M., & Lodewijks, I. A. (2011). Victims’ influence on intimate partner violence revictimization: A systematic review of prospective evidence. Trauma Violence Abuse, 12, 198–219. doi: 10.1177/1524838011416378

Abstract: Foa, Cascardi, Zoellner, and Feeny developed two models of women’s influence on intimate partner violence (IPV), which integrate victim-related variables associated with the cessation or continuation of partner violence (i.e., repeat IPV). One of the models focuses on psychological factors while the other centers on environmental factors. Central to both models are three key factors: partner violence, psychological difficulties, and resilience. Despite the appeal of these models, empirical, prospective research that specifically tests these models appears to be lacking. This article describes a systematic review of the available literature that examines the prospective link between the three key factors of the models and the risk of IPV revictimization. A synthesis of 15 studies reveals that Foa et al.’s models of revictimization are partly supported by prior prospective research. It is beyond doubt that the key factor partner violence (involving the severity and frequency of prior IPV) is a strong predictor for IPV revictimization; the evidence regarding victims’ psychological difficulties and resilience is more mixed. Findings are discussed in terms of implications for practice and research and might enable practitioners to help victims to take control of their situations and to contribute to their empowerment. The importance of future prospective research into dynamic, victim-related variables is emphasized, in order to further support Foa’s models of victims’ influence on IPV revictimization.

1. Why is it important to know if risk and protective factors are within the victim’s sphere of influence and not totally under the perpetrator’s control?
2. What three key factors need to be developed in order for victims to have the ability to take control of their lives?
3. What are some methods that researchers use to gather data in order to measure revictimization?
4. When researching revictimization, what potential problems can arise in relation to the definition of intimate partner violence (IPV)?

Faergemann, C., Lauritsen, J. M., Brink, O., & Mortensen, P. B. (2010). Do repeat victims of interpersonal violence have different demographic and socioeconomic characters from non-repeat victims of interpersonal violence and the general population? A population-based case-control study. Scandinavian Journal of Public Health, 38, 524–532. doi: 10.1177/1403494810370234

Abstract: Aim: To study if adult repeat victims of violence have different demographic and socioeconomic character from non-repeat victims of violence and the general population. Methods: Case–control study comparing demographic and socioeconomic characteristics before first-time victimization among repeat victims of violence to that of non-repeat victims and population-based controls. Repeat and non-repeat victims were included from an urban emergency department and an institute for forensic medicine. Data were analyzed using logistic regression in unadjusted, semi-adjusted, and fully adjusted models. Results: For almost all demographic and socioeconomic factors in our study, the strongest associations were found when repeat victims were compared to population-based controls, whereas associations obtained from comparison with non-repeat victims were less pronounced. Compared to non-repeat victims, factors most strongly associated with repeat victimization were being a pensioner (OR 3.21), being unemployed (OR 2.11), high level of lifetime unemployment (OR 1.50), high level of household crowding (OR 1.49), and living without a partner (OR 1.30). Compared to population-based controls, factors most strongly associated with victimization were being a pensioner (OR 6.83), being unemployed (OR 3.01), living without a partner (OR 3.15), high level of lifetime unemployment (OR 2.40), high levels of household crowding (OR 2.35), large age difference to partner (OR 1.82), and citizenship in a country outside Europe (OR 1.61). Conclusions: The study indicates that repeat victims of violence may be a demographic and socioeconomic subgroup of adult victims of violence characterized by certain pronounced risk factors which are already present at the time of the first episode of violent victimization.

1. According to the background, who was the typical repeat victim in this study?
2. What is the relationship between demographic characteristics of repeat and non-repeat victims of violence in relation to their visits to emergency rooms?
3. What is the relationship between socioeconomic characteristics of repeat and non-repeat victims of violence in relation to their visits to emergency rooms?
4. Why do you think it is important to look at repeat victimization in the context of a public health problem as opposed to just a criminal justice problem?

Lantz, B., & Ruback, R. B. (2015). A networked boost: Burglary co-offending and repeat victimization using a network approach. Crime and Delinquency. doi: 10.1177/0011128715597695

Abstract: Burglarized locations are at an elevated risk of revictimization soon after an initial offense. The current study uses a two-mode network approach to examine three possible mechanisms of repeat victimization: (a) The characteristics of a location make the target attractive to all motivated offenders, (b) the same offender returns to the offense location multiple times, or (c) other offender(s), to whom the primary offender is connected, commit subsequent offenses. The results support all three mechanisms, but particularly the same offender returning for subsequent offenses. These “returners” are generally more experienced and more connected burglary offenders. Significantly, however, repeat victimizations not committed by the same offender(s) often involve connected co-offenders, a mechanism for repeat victimization that has not been previously demonstrated empirically.

1. Why is it important to understand the mechanisms that explain repeat burglary victimization?
2. What are the three possible mechanisms of repeat victimization examined in this study?
3. What are the advantages of the social network perspective in studying repeat victimization?
4. How can the flag and boost mechanisms both operate at the same time?

Randa, R., Reyns, B. W., & Nobles, M. R. (2016). Measuring the effects of limited and persistent school bullying victimization: Repeat victimization, fear, and adaptive behaviors. Journal of Interpersonal Violence. doi: 10.1177/0886260516641279

Abstract: Extant research on school bullying has largely focused on the incidence rather than the modality of the experience, leaving key questions about impact unexplored. With a nationally representative sample of more than 3,000 cases, the present study explores the utility of expanding the classification scheme of bullying victimization to include limited victimization and persistent victimization experiences. By examining the differences in victimization, fear of victimization, and avoidance behaviors, the present study establishes that significant differences in fear of future victimization and adaptive avoidance behaviors do exist between the groups classified as limited and persistent. Furthermore, the present study explores the potential differences in the moderating influence of fear of future victimization on the relationship between limited/persistent bullying victimization and adaptive avoidance behavior. Ultimately, the evidence suggests that differentiating between limited and persistent bullying victimization is important for understanding the impact of bullying on students.

1. What are the main components of bullying victimization?
2. What is the difference between limited and persistent victims and why is it important to look at them separately?
3. In what types of avoidance and protective behaviors do students engage?
4. What differences were found between persistent and limited victims?
5. What are the policy implications of this research?

Belknap, J., Melton, H. C., Denney, J. T., Fleury-Steiner, R. E., & Sullivan, C. M. (2009). The levels and roles of social and institutional support reported by survivors of intimate partner abuse. Feminist Criminology, 4, 377–402. doi: 10.1177/1557085109344942

Abstract: This article explores the roles of social (informal) and institutional (formal) support in the lives of 158 women whose intimate partner abuse (IPA) cases reached the courts in three jurisdictions in the United States. Women were asked who knew about the IPA and their levels of supportiveness. Data analysis includes comparisons across the women in terms of social support and institutional support, and how these were related to the women’s demographic characteristics, whether they were still in a relationship with their abusers, the severity of the violence, and the women’s mental health.

1. Why are social support and institutional support for abused women particularly important to address?
2. According to this research, what are the two main reasons why abused women lacked support?
3. Where do researchers generally obtain the assessment information about a victim’s satisfaction with an institution’s response to the needs of the victim in intimate partner violence cases?
4. What are the three general constraints in abused women seeking support?

Davis, R. C., & Mulford, C. (2008). Victim rights and new remedies: Finally getting victims their due. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 24(2), 198–208. doi: 10.1177/1043986208315474

Abstract: In the last two decades, state legislatures have greatly expanded the legal rights of crime victims. Victims have some rights under the law in all states, ranging from the right to be notified of court and parole hearings, the right to be present and express opinions at sentencing hearings, the right to be consulted about plea agreements, the right to compensation and restitution, and the right to a speedy trial. But researchers and audits have shown that many victims are not given the chance to exercise their rights. This article describes the history of victim rights legislation and then discusses recent efforts, including compliance programs and victim law clinics designed to increase compliance of criminal justice agencies charged with aiding victims in the exercise of their rights.

1. What are some of the challenges involved in implementing legislation that provides rights to crime victims?
2. What difficulties do victims face when attempting to exercise their rights?
3. Why are victims’ rights amendments not sufficient on their own?

Schuster, M. L., & Propen, A. (2010). Degrees of emotion: Judicial responses to victim impact statements. Law, Culture and the Humanities, 6(1), 75–104. doi: 10.1177/1743872109349104

Abstract: Emotional standards and hierarchies in the courtroom may affect judicial reactions to victim impact statements. Based on judicial conversations and courtroom observations in two judicial districts in Minnesota, we suggest that judges contrast emotion with reason in order to maintain control of their courtrooms; when faced with emotional expressions in victim impact statements, judges appreciate expressions of compassion and tolerate expressions of grief but are uncomfortable with expressions of anger. These judicial responses to emotional expression, however, must be contextualized; for example, the judges we spoke with often articulated different reactions to impact statements given by victims of sexual assault, those who are strangers to the perpetrator, and impact statements given by victims of domestic violence, those who are in a relationship with the perpetrator.

1. What sorts of constitutional challenges have been raised regarding victim impact statements?
2. Can judges effectively incorporate victim impact statements into sentencing decisions in the context of sentencing guidelines?
3. How can the emotional content of victim impact statements impact sentencing without violating the offender’s right to equal justice?
4. Why are domestic violence victims often viewed by judges as different from other victims when they present victim impact statements?

Gavrielides, T. (2014). Bringing race relations into the restorative justice debate: An alternative and personalized vision of “the other.” Journal of Black Studies, 45(3), 216–246. doi: 10.1177/0021934714526042

Abstract: Restorative justice was reborn in the 1970s with a promise to provide a better sense and experience of justice, especially for those who are let down the most by the criminal justice system. And yet, despite well-evidenced disproportionality and race inequality issues within criminal justice institutions, restorative justice research and practice within the context of race are almost nonexistent. This article aims to unravel this paradox while looking at the scant extant literature to explore the alternative and more personalized restorative justice vision of “the other” and cultural differences. An expansive conceptual model that is aligned with the integrative nature of restorative justice is then posited for further pilots and research. The article warns that if restorative justice continues to ignore the challenges raised within a race equality context, the power structures inherent within our current structural framework of criminal justice will lead to its demise.

1. Why is it important to bring race into discussions of restorative justice and to incorporate it into research and policy?
2. What does the reference to “the other” in the title of this article mean in the context of the concept of restorative justice?
3. Why has restorative justice virtually ignored issues of racial inequality and disproportionality?
4. What race-related barriers limit attempts to implement restorative justice programs?
5. How do structured and unstructured restorative justice models differ in terms of racial issues?

Muftic, L. R., & Hunt, D. E. (2013). Victim precipitation: Further understanding the linkage between victimization and offending in homicide. Homicide Studies, 17(3), 239–254. doi: 10.1177/1088767912461785

Abstract: Studies assessing the overlap between victimization and offending have yet to include an examination of this phenomenon within victim-precipitated homicide. In recognition of this gap in the literature, this study draws from official police data pertaining to 895 homicide incidents in Dallas, Texas to test the hypothesis that the victim–offender overlap is most prevalent within victim-precipitated homicides, particularly when victims’ offending histories are considered. Results from a series of bivariate and multivariate models find that victims with criminal histories (i.e., victim–offenders) are most concentrated within victim-precipitated homicides. Implications of these findings and suggestions for future research are presented.

1. How can victim precipitation be measured so as to avoid possible victim blaming?
2. What are the three main categories of individuals that exist when evaluating the overlap between offending and victimization?
3. What has research found regarding the victim–offender overlap in homicide?
4. What impact does victim criminal history have on the victim–offender overlap in homicide?
5. What are the practical implications underlying an increased understanding of the relationship between victim–offender overlap and victim precipitation in homicide?

Gekoski, A., Adler, J. R., & Gray, J. M. (2013). Interviewing women bereaved by homicide: Reports of secondary victimization by the criminal justice system. International Review of Victimology, 19(3), 307–329. doi: 10.1177/0269758013494136

Abstract: Secondary victimization occurs when victims of crime feel they have been subjected to inadequate, insensitive, or inappropriate treatment, attitudes, behavior, responses, and/or practices by criminal justice and social agencies, which compound their original trauma. In order to investigate how an under-researched group of victims of crime may be subjected to secondary victimization by the criminal justice system (CJS), which in this research refers to the police, the Coroner’s Service and the legal (or court) system, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 women who had been bereaved by homicide. Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) identified instances of multiple secondary victimization from all systems considered. Recommendations for how to reduce the secondary victimization of “co-victims” of homicide are made, including improving communication and promoting understanding between co-victims and the CJS; statutory rights for co-victims; and participatory rights in the legal process such as access to victims’ lawyers or auxiliary prosecutors.

1. What types of symptoms are seen among homicide co-victims?
2. What are the implications of secondary victimization on the recovery process for homicide co-victims?
3. How do co-victim expectations of the criminal justice process affect the likelihood of secondary victimization?
4. The authors suggest that there may be a conflict between co-victim and criminal justice needs and priorities. What does this mean in the context of various criminal justice agencies and how might these agencies reduce this conflict?
5. What effect would increased involvement in the criminal justice system have on co-victims of homicide?

Umbreit, M. S., & Vos, B. (2000). Homicide survivors meet the offender prior to execution. Homicide Studies, 4(1), 63–87.

Abstract: This article presents two case studies that represent the first examination of any capital murder cases involving a victim-offender mediation/dialogue session between a surviving family member and the death row inmate facing execution shortly after the mediation session. The five participants (three surviving family members and two offenders) in these groundbreaking death row mediation/dialogue sessions stated that this intervention had a powerful impact on their lives; all had been moved beyond their expectations, all were relieved, all reported significant progress on their healing journeys, and all were grateful for the opportunity. Furthermore, all five persons pointed to the same set of components to account for their responses. The authors suggest that practitioners and policymakers should give serious consideration to cautiously expanding opportunities for such restorative encounters that are initiated and requested by victims and surviving family members of severely violent crime.

1. What effects does research suggest victim–offender mediation may have in cases involving very violent crimes?
2. In what ways did the participants find the sessions to be healing in nature?
3. Why should policymakers considering expanding opportunities for these types of victim–offender encounters remain cautious? What limitations should be placed upon the availability of these sessions?

Paul, L. A., & Gray, M. J. (2011). Sexual assault programming on college campuses: Using social psychological belief and behavior change principles to improve outcomes. Trauma Violence Abuse, 12, 99–109. doi: 10.1177/1524838010390710

Abstract: Sexual assault programming is often delivered without a theoretical framework and does not typically utilize applicable research that could help to induce change among participants. Such interventions may target male and/or female students, although the focus of this review is on men. It is important to examine these programs in light of current theoretical knowledge and empirical findings from the social psychological attitudinal and behavioral change literatures. To this end, current programming efforts and their limitations are briefly reviewed. Three social psychological theories targeting belief and behavior change (i.e., social norms, hypocrisy salience, decision, and deterrence) are discussed and their application to such programming is elaborated. Given this information, recommendations for the research and practice of such interventions are provided.

1. In reference to college sexual assault intervention programs, do males get more out of the program when compared with females, or is it more beneficial for males to participate in programs in a single-sex environment? Why?
2. There are a number of factors commonly associated with the perpetration of sexual violence among college men, including endorsement of erroneous and stereotypical beliefs about sexual assault. Name four other factors?
3. Sexual assault prevention programs primarily target participants’ attitudes. The belief is that changing attitudes can change behaviors. What other possible benefits can come from instilling a positive attitude about sexual assaults?
4. Most college sexual assault intervention programs include an immediate posttest without a follow-up assessment, which may tend to inflate the results due to recency. The programs that include a follow-up assessment of 10 weeks or more show attenuation effects over time. What are some of the possible reasons for this attenuation?

Campbell, R., Dworkin, E., & Cabral, G. (2009). An ecological model of the impact of sexual assault on women's mental health. Trauma Violence Abuse, 10, 225–246. doi: 10.1177/1524838009334456

Abstract: This review examines the psychological impact of adult sexual assault through an ecological theoretical perspective to understand how factors at multiple levels of the social ecology contribute to post-assault sequelae. Using Bronfenbrenner's (1979, 1986, 1995) ecological theory of human development, we examine how individual-level factors (e.g., sociodemographics, biological/genetic factors), assault characteristics (e.g., victim–offender relationship, injury, alcohol use), microsystem factors (e.g., informal support from family and friends), meso/exosystem factors (e.g., contact with the legal, medical, and mental health systems, and rape crisis centers), macrosystem factors (e.g., societal rape myth acceptance), and chronosystem factors (e.g., sexual revictimization and history of other victimizations) affect adult sexual assault survivors' mental health outcomes (e.g., post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, suicidality, and substance use). Self-blame is conceptualized as meta-construct that stems from all levels of this ecological model. Implications for curbing and/or preventing the negative mental health effects of sexual assault are discussed.

1. In the United States, do sexual assaults occur in social and cultural isolation or do we live in a rape-prone culture? Explain your answer?
2. What types of hostile environments are sexual assault victims faced with in negotiating post-assault help and ultimately their pathway to recovery?
3. What is the basic approach of community psychology/ecological theory as it relates to sexual assault victim recovery?
4. What is the fundamental premise of CIEMSAR (culturally inclusive ecological model of sexual assault recovery)?

Campbell, R., Bybee, D., Townsend, S. M., Shaw, J., Karim, N., & Markowitz, J. (2014). The impact of sexual assault nurse examiner programs on criminal justice case outcomes. Violence Against Women, 20(5), 607–625. doi: 10.1177/1077801214536286

Abstract: To address the underreporting and underprosecution of adult sexual assaults, communities throughout the United States have implemented multidisciplinary interventions to improve post-assault care for victims and the criminal justice system response. One such model is the Sexual Assault Nurse Examiner (SANE) Program, whereby specially trained nurses provide comprehensive psychological, medical, and forensic services for sexual assault. In this study, we conducted a multisite evaluation of six SANE programs (two rural programs, two serving midsized communities, two urban) to assess how implementation of SANE programs affects adult sexual assault prosecution rates. At each site, most sexual assaults reported to law enforcement were never referred by police to prosecutors or were not charged by the prosecutor’s office (80–89%). Individually, none of the sites had a statistically significant increase in prosecution rates pre-SANE to post-SANE. However, when the data were aggregated across sites, thereby increasing statistical power, there was a significant effect such that cases were more likely to be prosecuted post-SANE as compared with pre-SANE. These findings suggest that the SANE intervention model does have a positive impact on sexual assault case progression in the criminal justice system. Nevertheless, there is still a pressing need for improvement as the vast majority of both pre-SANE and post-SANE resulted in nonreferral/no charges field.

1. Why were Sexual Assault Nurse Examiner (SANE) programs developed? What are the main purposes or goals of these programs?
2. In what way does this research suggest SANE programs have had a positive impact on the criminal justice system? Why do the researchers claim that there is still need for improvement?
3. Given the high percentage of non-prosecuted cases after the implementation of SANE programs, what other factors may be influencing case processing?

Page, A. D. (2010). True colors: Police officers and rape myth acceptance. Feminist Criminology, 5(4), 315–334. doi: 10.1177/1557085110384108

Abstract: Institutionally, significant advancements in rape law reform have occurred. Culturally, police officers sometimes fail to adopt these changes. A survey designed to assess acceptance of rape myths was administered to 891 police officers in two southeastern states. The study found that the majority of police officers view the overall crime of rape as a serious one; however, approximately 6% provided sexist feedback that supports rape myths. These findings indicate that more work is needed in altering the attitudes of police officers.

1. What were the main goals and aims underlying rape law reform and how were rape law revisions designed to achieve those goals?
2. What are rape myths and what problems can result from societal acceptance of rape myths?
3. The researchers found that when officers wrote comments on the survey, those statements tended to contract their responses on the questionnaire portion of the survey. Why do you think the officers were more willing to write sexist comments that suggested support of rape myths but not to answer the questionnaire the same way?
4. What effects might police officers’ acceptance of rape myths have on victims of rape and sexual assault?

Bryant-Davis, T., Chung, H., & Tillman, S. (2009). From the margins to the center: Ethnic minority women and the mental health effects of sexual assault. Trauma Violence Abuse,10, 330–357. doi: 10.1177/1524838009339755

Abstract: The trauma of sexual assault is heightened for many women by the interlocking experience of societal traumas, such as racism, sexism, and poverty. The mental health effects of sexual assault are mediated by race and ethnicity. The investigators explore the experiences of African-American, Asian-American, Latina, and Native American female survivors of sexual assault. The sociohistorical context of intergenerational trauma in the lives of ethnic minorities is a part of the context for the contemporary experience of sexualized violence. Racial and ethnic dynamics related to sexual assault prevalence, mental health effects, and disclosure are examined. Literature related to cultural beliefs, community attitudes, and perceived social support in relation to sexualized violence are also reviewed. Finally, practice, research, and policy implications are discussed.

1. What are some of the extraordinary barriers ethnic minority women are confronted with in obtaining protection and assistance relating to sexual assault?
2. Considerations of culture bring to light the fact that sexual assault of ethnic minority women in the United States often occurs within a context of social trauma. What are some of these social traumas?
3. What are some of the mental health effects that face sexual assault victims of cultures such as African-American, Latina, and Native American?
4. After decades of research, what is considered as the central and most important aspect of well-being and self-concept?

Dutton, M. A. (2009). Pathways linking intimate partner violence and post-traumatic disorder. Trauma Violence Abuse, 10, 211–224. doi: 10.1177/1524838009334451

Abstract: Intimate partner violence (IPV), which includes physical violence, sexual violence, and psychological or emotional abuse, is a significant public health threat. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) estimates that each year 1.5 million women are physically assaulted and/or raped by an intimate partner. However, because many victims of IPV are repeatedly abused, a more accurate accounting of the extent of violence suggests that approximately 4.8 million intimate partner physical assaults and rapes are perpetrated annually against women in the United States. This article discusses a survey involving 3,429 English-speaking women enrolled in a health maintenance organization (HMO) for three or more years. The findings are 46% of participants who were screened reported a lifetime history of any IPV and 14.7% reported a history within the past 5 years, including physical, sexual, and nonphysical types.

1. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Disorders, what are some of the criteria for a diagnosis of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder?
2. What do studies show the correlation is, if any, between depression and intimate partner violence?
3. What are some of the predictors of PTSD in general population?
4. Why are minority women at an increased risk for intimate partner violence as well as the negative outcomes associated with it?

Gehring, K. S., & Vaske, J. C. (2016). Out in the open: The consequences of intimate partner violence for victims in same-sex and opposite-sex relationships. Journal of Interpersonal Violence. doi: 10.1177/0886260515600877

Abstract: Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major public health problem in the United States. While our understanding of this form of violence has grown substantially over the past several decades, the majority of research involving victims of IPV has focused almost exclusively on female heterosexual victims. Unfortunately, little attention has been paid to how this form of violence affects specific populations such as gay and lesbian victims. It is possible that gay and lesbian victims may experience more maladaptive outcomes as a result of unique components of same-sex IPV, their sexual minority status in American society, and the lack of appropriate services tailored to victims of this violence. Using data from the second wave of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, this study contributes to the research on gay and lesbian victims of IPV by investigating same-sex and opposite-sex adolescent victims’ experiences with depression, alcohol-related problems, marijuana use, violent delinquency, and property delinquency. Results indicate that opposite-sex victims experienced more depressive symptoms, alcohol problems, and marijuana use than non-victims and engaged in higher levels of violent and property delinquency than non-victims. IPV within the context of same-sex relationships led to more depressive symptoms and greater involvement in violent delinquency, with the impact of IPV on violent delinquency being greater for victims of same-sex IPV compared with opposite-sex IPV. The implications of this study could inform interventions for victims of same-sex IPV and lead to more comprehensive services to address the needs of gay and lesbian victims of this violence.

1. What are some of the experiences and factors relating to IPV that are unique to same-sex victims?
2. How are the consequences of IPV different depending on the nature of the relationship (same sex versus opposite sex)?
3. Based on the findings of this study, what types of programs need to be developed for victims of IPV?

Novisky, M. A., & Peralta, R. L. (2014). When women tell: Intimate partner violence and the factors related to police notification. Violence Against Women, 21(1), 65–86. doi: 10.1177/1077801214564078

Abstract: We analyze how victim perceptions of mandatory arrest policies, perpetrator substance use, and presence of children are related to decisions to invoke law enforcement assistance. Logistic regression was used on survey responses from women receiving care in domestic violence shelters. Results suggest that as victim support for mandatory arrest increases, the odds of law enforcement notification of the abuse also increase. Accordingly, mandatory arrest may simply be reducing the probability of reporting intimate partner violence (IPV) among those who do not support the policy, instead of reducing IPV. Results also suggest that perpetrator substance use plays a significant role in law enforcement notification.

1. In what ways do mandatory arrest policies impact victim reporting of IPV?
2. Why does the offender’s substance abuse impact the probability that the victim will notify the police?
3. What are some of the possible explanations for the lack of support found for a relationship between the presence of children in the home and the likelihood of victim reporting?
4. What does this study suggest regarding possible unintended consequences of criminal justice prevention programs?

Allen, B. (2011). The use and abuse of attachment theory in clinical practice with maltreated children, part I: Diagnosis and assessment. Trauma Violence Abuse, 12, 3–12. doi: 10.1177/1524838010386811

Abstract: Debate has ensued regarding the appropriate assessment and diagnosis for school-aged children who display severe behavioral problems as a result of previous abuse and neglect within the primary attachment relationship. The current nomenclature recognizes reactive attachment disorder and some clinicians have suggested broader categories of attachment disorder. These attempts at classification are often criticized on empirical grounds; however, often lost in these criticisms is the fact that these diagnostic approaches often misapply attachment theory and research. This article summarizes the original contributions of John Bowlby and other attachment researchers to our understanding of child development, examines misguided attempts to apply attachment theory to the diagnosis and assessment of maltreated children, and offers a diagnostic conceptualization and assessment recommendations consistent with the available attachment research.

1. Attachment theory suggests that the primary motivation of infant behavior was not feeding or gratification as purported by prevailing theories, but instead the motivation comes from what?
2. What is likely to occur in a child as a direct result of an inconsistent, rejecting, and/or maltreating caregiver?
3. What is Reactive Attachment Disorder and what is its significance in understanding and responding to child maltreatment?
4. Why is it important from an attachment perspective to denote problematic child-caregiver relationships early on in a child’s life?

Lang, C. M., & Sharma-Patel, K. (2011). The relation between childhood maltreatment and self-injury: A review of the literature on conceptualization and intervention. Trauma Violence Abuse, 12, 23–37. doi: 10.1177/1524838010386975

Abstract: The following article reviews literature pertaining to the association between child maltreatment and self-injury and the ways it varies according to maltreatment type. Research supporting various mediators of the relations between different maltreatment types and self-injury is summarized. Informing mediator models, dominant theories of functionality, particularly affect regulation theories, are summarized and granted empirical support. Following from explanations of its functionality, three developmental pathways (regulatory, representational/interpersonal, and reactive/neurobiological) leading from child maltreatment to self-injury are presented within an organizational model of psychopathology. Understanding the deviations in these pathways that perpetuate self-injury helps to inform intervention approaches that forge pathways perpetuating resilience instead. Three psychosocial treatments (i.e., Dialectical Behavior Therapy [DBT], Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy [TF-CBT], and Acceptance and Commitment Therapy [ACT]) were chosen for review, based upon their accumulating evidence bases, as well as upon the relevance of their core components in correcting or compensating for trauma-related developmental deviations.

1. What are the four categories of self-injury?
2. What are the most common forms of self-injury?
3. What do experts feel is the primary function or motivation of self-injury?
4. At approximately what age is self-injury initiated?

Tillyer, M. S. (2012). The relationship between childhood maltreatment and adolescent violent victimization. Crime and Delinquency, 61(7), 973–995. doi: 10.1177/0011128712461121

Abstract: Research has identified numerous negative consequences of childhood maltreatment, including poor academic performance, psychological distress, and delinquency. To date, studies examining childhood maltreatment and subsequent victimization have largely focused on the relationship between childhood sexual abuse and intimate partner abuse in adulthood. It is unclear, however, if maltreatment during childhood is related to subsequent violent victimization during adolescence. Theories of victimization, in combination with the existing literature on the causes and consequences of childhood maltreatment, suggest that these experiences would be correlated. This study used longitudinal data from a nationally representative sample of adolescents to examine whether childhood maltreatment is empirically related to subsequent adolescent violent victimization, and if so, whether this relationship can be explained by existing victimization theories. Findings indicate that a significant relationship exists between childhood maltreatment and adolescent violent victimization and that a risky lifestyle appears to mediate the relationship.

1. What are the two main explanations for an observed relationship between childhood maltreatment and adolescent violent victimization?
2. How might childhood maltreatment contribute to the target suitability of an adolescent?
3. How does childhood maltreatment create opportunities for adolescent victimization?

Post, L., Page, C., Conner, T., Prokhorov, A., Fang, Y., & Biroscak, B. J. (2010). Elder abuse in long-term care: Types, patterns, and risk factors. Research on Aging, 32(3), 323–348. doi: 10.1177/0164027509357705

Abstract: The authors investigated types and patterns of elder abuse by paid caregivers in long-term care and assessed the role of several risk factors for different abuses and for multiple abuse types. The results are based on a 2005 random-digit-dial survey of relatives of persons in long-term care. We computed occurrence rates and conditional occurrence rates for each of six abuse types: physical, caretaking, verbal, emotional, neglect, and material. Among older adults who have experienced at least one type of abuse, more than half (51.4%) have experienced another type of abuse. Physical functioning problems, activities of daily living limitations, and behavioral problems are significant risk factors for at least three types of abuse and are significant for multiple abuse types. The findings have implications for those monitoring the well-being of older adults in long-term care as well as those responsible for developing public health interventions.

1. What does research show regarding multiple abuse of older adults?
2. What are the risk factors for abuse and multiple abuse of older adults?
3. How did the presence of behavior problems affect the risk of elder abuse and why did it have this effect?
4. What impact did the elderly person’s functional status have on the risk of abuse and what reasons might cause this?

Greene, M. (2005). Reducing violence and aggression in schools. Trauma Violence Abuse, 6, 236–253. doi: 10.1177/1524838005277406

Abstract: This article offers a framework for understanding and responding to school-based aggression and violence. The term school violence is defined, epidemiological data are summarized, a typology of violence reduction strategies is presented, and procedures to effectively implement evidence-based programs are discussed. Although many evidence-based violence prevention programs are now available to schools, much work remains in three critical areas. First, additional research is needed to evaluate the impact of security strategies, peer-led programs, and threat assessment and crisis response initiatives. More generally, multi-level evaluations of integrated arrays of school-based violence prevention strategies need to be undertaken. Second, effective and realistic school-based assessment strategies need to be established to identify and address organizational barriers to the selection and adoption of an integrated and comprehensive array of targeted evidence-based violence prevention strategies in schools. And third, realistic guidelines through which schools can effectively monitor and implement evidence-based programs need to be developed.

1. What is considered “school-associated” violence?
2. Where do the most accurate overall estimates of non-fatal violence among school-aged youth come from?
3. School homicides are considered a rare occurrence, but what are the most common forms of school-associated, non-fatal violence?
4. What is the purpose of a peer-led program?

Watkins, A. M., & Maume, M. O. (2011). School victims and crime reporting. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 9, 333–351. Doi: 10.1177/1541204011409069

Abstract: The current study addresses whether school-related factors, such as the presence of security personnel, affect students’ reporting of school violent crimes to police or nonpolice authorities. Data from the School Crime Supplement to the National Crime Victimization Survey are used to assess such possible relationships. Current results revealed (a) limited variation in reporting from 1999 to 2007 and (b) limited evidence to suggest that school-related factors condition the decision to report. However, the authors did find that while the presence of security personnel at school reduced the odds of a school crime being reported to any official (school or police), such a presence increased the likelihood of police involvement when the victimization was reported.

1. According to the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), approximately how many of the incidences of school violence involving youth aged 12–17 are reported to the police or other officials?
2. What are some of the possible reasons why school violence goes unreported?
3. According to the NCVS, who is normally the first non-parental authority to hear about school violence from the victim?
4. Why might it be considered easier for a victim to report harassment from a stranger not attending the same school than from someone attending the same school as the victim?

DeCamp, W., & Newby, B. (2015). From bullied to deviant: The victim-offender overlap among bullying victims. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 13(1), 3–17. doi: 10.1177/1541204014521250

Abstract: Although much research has explored bullies and bullying victims, little has been done to explore the long-term effects on those who have been bullied. Separately, a growing body of evidence suggests that there is a victim–offender overlap, in which many victims are or become offenders themselves. Taken together, this suggests that bullying victims may themselves be at elevated risk of involvement in deviance or crime. The present study uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 to explore this issue, utilizing propensity score matching to control for the shared predictors of offending and victimization. Given that bullying experiences can vary dramatically by gender, gender-specific analyses are performed. Results indicate that controlling for the propensity to be bullied reduces, but does not eliminate, the effect on later criminality.

1. According to researchers, how are bullying victimization and offending linked?
2. What impacts does bullying appear to have on social bonds and why?
3. How does the effect of bullying victimization differ based on the victim’s gender?
4. What is the impact of bullying victimization on subsequent substance use?

Schindeler, E. (2014). Workplace violence: Extending the boundaries of criminology. Theoretical Criminology, 18(3), 371–385. doi: 10.1177/1362480613511980

Abstract: There is a growing body of research concerned with the prevalence, antecedents, and impacts of interpersonal workplace violence which causes significant psychosocial injuries. Contributions have been made by sociologists, psychologists, organizational behaviorists, and management functionalists. However, there has been a paucity of attention by criminological theorists or empiricists despite the well-documented costs for victims, bystanders, employers, and the public purse. Drawing from key themes within existing literature, this article applies constructive criminology principles and normalization theory to extend the understanding of interpersonal violence within the workplace and challenges to prevention. This is not an argument for greater application of criminal law but rather an argument that such violence and consequent psychosocial injuries be recognized as a source of victimization and a matter of justice.

1. How is workplace violence generally defined and why is it so difficult to obtain consensus with respect to definitions?
2. What are the organization and individual factors affecting workplace violence and what does it mean to say that workplace violence involves an interaction between these influences?
3. How do constructive criminology and governmentality explain workplace violence?
4. What is normalization and how does it enable workplace violence?

O’Donnell, S. M., & MacIntosh, J. A. (2016). Gender and workplace bullying: Men’s experiences of surviving bullying at work. Qualitative Health Research, 26(3), 351–366. doi: 10.1177/1049732314566321

Abstract: Although men are targets of workplace bullying, there is limited research focused on their experiences. To address this gap, we used a qualitative grounded theory approach and interviewed a community sample of 20 Atlantic Canadian men to explore and explain their experiences of, and responses to, bullying. The main problem identified by men was a lack of workplace support to address and resolve the bullying, a challenge named abandonment. Men addressed this problem by surviving, a process that involved efforts to manage persistent bullying and the associated consequences. Men experienced physical, emotional, and social health consequences, and contrary to prevailing assumptions related to men’s help-seeking behaviors, men want support and many sought help to address the problem and its consequences. Responses to abandonment and the associated consequences varied according to a number of factors including gender and highlighted the need for research aimed at understanding the gendered nature of bullying.

1. According to recent research, how do men and women differ in how they respond to and deal with workplace bullying?
2. What are some of the reasons why male victims of workplace bullying might choose not to seek formal help?
3. What are some of the challenges faced by men enduring workplace bullying?
4. What connection is there between workplace bullying, gender, and health?

Pitcher, A. B., & Johnson, S. D. (2011). Exploring theories of victimization using a mathematical model of burglary. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 48, 83-109. doi: 10.1177/0022427810384139

Abstract: Research concerned with burglary indicates that it is clustered not only at places but also in time. Some homes are victimized repeatedly, and the risk to neighbors of victimized homes is temporarily elevated. The latter type of burglary is referred to as a near repeat. Two theories have been proposed to explain observed patterns. The boost hypothesis states that risk is elevated following an event reflecting offender foraging activity. The flag hypothesis, on the other hand, suggests that time-stable variation in risk provides an explanation where data for populations with different risks are analyzed in the aggregate. To examine this, the authors specify a series of discrete mathematical models of urban residential burglary and examine their outcomes using stochastic agent-based simulations. Results suggest that variation in risk alone cannot explain patterns of exact and near repeats, but that models which also include a boost component show good qualitative agreement with published findings.

1. What is a near repeat?
2. When a victim is revictimized by burglary, does it generally happen quickly or after some time has elapsed?
3. What is the flag hypothesis?
4. What is the boost hypothesis?

Pratt, T. C., Holtfreter, K., & Reisig, M. D. (2010). Routine online activity and internet fraud targeting: Extending the generality of routine activity theory. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency,47: 267–296. doi: 10.1177/0022427810365903

Abstract: Routine activity theory predicts that changes in legitimate opportunity structures (e.g., technology) can increase the convergence of motivated offenders and suitable targets in the absence of capable guardianship. The Internet has fundamentally changed consumer practices and has simultaneously expanded opportunities for cyber-fraudsters to target online consumers. The authors draw on routine activity theory and consumer behavior research to understand how personal characteristics and online routines increase people’s exposure to motivated offenders. Using a representative sample of 922 adults from a statewide survey in Florida, the results of the regression models are consistent with prior research in that sociodemographic characteristics shape routine online activity (e.g., spending time online and making online purchases). Furthermore, indicators of routine online activity fully mediate the effect of sociodemographic characteristics on the likelihood of being targeted for fraud online. These findings support the routine activity perspective and provide a theoretically informed direction for situational crime prevention in a largely unexplored consumer context.

1. What is consumer fraud?
2. How does the FBI define internet fraud?
3. What does the acronym C.R.A.V.E.D. stand for?
4. Briefly describe the routine activities theory.
5. Approximately what percentage of U.S. citizens report being victims of consumer fraud?

Piza, E., Feng, S., Kennedy, L., & Caplan, J. (2016). Place-based correlates of motor vehicle theft and recovery: Measuring spatial influence across neighborhood context. Urban Studies, 1–24. doi: 10.1177/0042098016664299

Abstract: Social scientists have long shown great interest in the spatial correlates of crime patterns. A subset of the literature has focused on how microlevel spatial factors influence the formation of crime hot spots. At the same time, tangential research has highlighted how neighborhood disadvantage influences crime occurrence. The current study focuses on the intersection of these perspectives through a spatial analysis of Motor Vehicle Theft (MVT) and Motor Vehicle Recovery (MVR) in Colorado Springs, CO. We begin by conducting a Risk Terrain Modelling analysis to identify spatial risk factors significantly related to MVT and MVR occurrence. We then test whether the spatial influences of the criminogenic risk factors differ across traditional measures of neighborhood disadvantage. Findings suggest that while a citywide effect is evident for multiple risk factors, their spatial influence on crime significantly varies across neighborhood contexts.

1. What are the two main types of MVT and how do they differ?
2. What are the three types of activity spaces and how can they be made criminogenic?
3. What are the main risk factors for MVT and MVR?
4. What is deniability and how is it an important factor?

Reyns, B. W., & Henson, B. (2016). The thief with a thousand faces and the victim with none: Identifying determinants for online identity theft victimization with routine activity theory. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 60(10), 1119–1139. doi: 10.1177/0306624X15572861

Abstract: Available evidence suggests that identity theft is a growing problem that has significant consequences for victims, not the least of which is billions of dollars in financial losses. However, very little is known about the correlates or causes of identity theft victimization. Utilizing a nationally representative sample of individuals from the Canadian General Social Survey, the current study attempts to address this deficiency by examining the link between victims’ online routine activities and their online identity theft victimization. It was found that certain routine activities directly influence the likelihood of experiencing identity theft. Potential research and policy implications also are discussed.

1. How can the concepts of exposure and proximity be applied to the study of online identity theft?
2. What risk factors for online identity theft has this study identified?
3. Why might personal guardianship strategies be ineffective at reducing identity theft?

Lund, E. M. (2001). Community-based services and interventions for adults with disabilities who have experienced interpersonal violence: A review of the literature. Trauma Violence Abuse, 12, 171–182. doi: 10.1177/1524838011416377

Abstract: This study provides a review of the peer-reviewed literature from 1995 to 2010 on violence-related service, prevention, and intervention programs for people with disabilities. A comprehensive literature search resulted in a total of 16 articles, 6 related to service programs, and 10 related to intervention and prevention programs. The services articles revealed a noticeable disconnect between the violence service programs’ perceived accessibility and the perception of their accessibility in the disability community. Most of the intervention and prevention articles focused exclusively on abuse prevention for adults with intellectual disabilities and generally had small samples and lacked controlled conditions. Very few methods of abuse treatment for people with disabilities have been empirically evaluated. Efforts should be made to improve accessibility and increase cross-collaboration between domestic violence services and disability service organizations. There is a need for accessible, culturally sensitive, and rigorously tested abuse intervention and prevention programs for women and men with diverse disabilities.

1. How can the presence of disability create unique risks for violence  in women and men with disabilities?
2. What are some of the extraordinary barriers to leaving a violent situation that disabled victims face?
3. What are some of the missing features of many programs that have been self-identified as physically accessible?
4. What additional barriers do deaf and hard of hearing patients face?

Solomon, P. L., Cavanaugh, M. M., & Gelles, R. J. (2005). Family violence among adults with severe mental illness: A neglected area of research. Trauma Violence Abuse, 6, 40–54. doi: 10.1177/1524838004272464

Abstract: Violence against family caregivers by their adult relatives with severe mental illness is a taboo area of public discourse and scientific research because of fears of further stigmatizing this population. Yet, these families experience violence at a rate estimated to be between 10% and 40%, which is considerably higher than the general population. This article reviews the limited research on violence of adults with severe mental illness against their family caregivers and proposes a conceptual framework that can further stimulate study in an area that has been neglected too long by both mental health and family violence investigators. Research on this topic is essential in developing effective policy and practice interventions.

1. Why has there been such limited empirical research on family violence directed at ill relatives?
2. Who assumes the majority of the responsibility for the care of mentally ill relatives?
3. What two clinical factors are most consistently associated with violence among persons with a psychiatric disorder?
4. What are the three categories of coping styles that families develop for dealing with aggressive and threatening behaviors on the part of their ill relatives?

Hensley, C., & Tewksbury, R. (2002). Inmate-to-inmate prison sexuality: A review of empirical studies. Trauma Violence Abuse, 3, 226–243. doi: 10.1177/15248380020033005

Abstract: For the past 90 years, sociologists, psychologists, and penologists have been studying inmate-to-inmate prison sexuality. These researchers have made great strides in advancing the study of prison sexuality. Although many may consider the issue to be deviant, prison sex researchers have made positive contributions to the study of one of the most controversial issues in corrections. In this review, the authors seek to provide readers with an understanding of not only what researchers have uncovered about inmate sexual behavior and the dynamics of institutional sex but also how this field of inquiry has developed and evolved. The discussion that follows is divided into four primary sections, male and female inmate consensual homosexual behavior and male and female inmate coerced sexual activity.

1. What are the four varieties, or levels, of same-sex sexual relationships within a juvenile facility for females?
2. What is a pseudo-family in the context of inmates?
3. What are the most common places where sexual assaults occur in men-only prisons?
4. In men-only prisons, who is the likely target for sexual coercion?

Gonsalves, V. M., Walsh, K., & Scalora, M. J. (2012). Staff perceptions of risk for prison rape perpetration and victimization. The Prison Journal, 92(2), 253–273. doi: 10.1177/0032885512439014

Abstract: Since the inception of the Prison Rape Elimination Act in 2003, increased attention has been directed toward identifying and eliminating acts of institutional sexual violence. However, few empirical studies have systematically explored risk factors that staff perceive as important when ascertaining risk for prison sexual perpetration and victimization. This study examined ratings from 10 staff for 315 female and 1,842 male inmates screened for admission to correctional facilities in a Midwestern state. Overall, findings indicate that a low proportion of inmates were rated medium to high risk for either perpetration or victimization. In addition, results suggest that staff perceived risk factors for sexual violence somewhat differently for female and male inmates. Furthermore, data revealed that staff considered presentation characteristics more relevant than empirically derived risk factors when determining vulnerability to prison rape. Implications for institutional policy and prison sexual assault screening are discussed.

1. What risk factors have been identified for sexual assault victimization and perpetration in prison?
2. What gender differences are seen in prison staff perception of risk factors for sexual violence?
3. How do the risk factors identified by prison staff relate to the risk rating applied to the inmate?

Blake, J. J., Zhou, Q., Kwok, O. M., & Benz, M. R. (2016). Predictors of bullying behavior, victimization, and bully-victim risk among high school students with disabilities. Remedial and Special Education, 37(5), 285–295. doi: 10.1177/0741932516638860

Abstract: The literature on bullying among students with disabilities is burgeoning. The purpose of this study was to examine risk factors for adolescents’ involvement in bullying across the bullying continuum. Drawing from the National Longitudinal Transition Study–2 (NLTS2), 2,870 adolescents with disabilities were sampled. Results from multinomial regression analyses indicated that internalizing symptoms and interpersonal skills were significant predictors of victimization and bully-victimization risk, respectively. Disability status emerged as a significant predictor only for bullying behavior. Ethnic differences were found for victimization roles, but not for bullying, suggesting that Caucasian students were most vulnerable to being the target of bullying or serving dual roles as bully-victims relative to students from other ethnic backgrounds. Implications for these findings are discussed.

1. How does having a disability increase the risk of bully victimization among high school students?
2. What disability-related factors appear to increase the risk of being involved in bullying behavior?
3. How should prevention programs address bullying by and of disabled students?

Jaquier, V., Fisher, B. S., & Killias, M. (2006). Cross-national survey designs: Equating the national violence against women survey and Swiss international violence against women survey. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 22(2), 90–112. doi: 10.1177/1043986206286969

Abstract: Valid and reliable cross-national estimates of rape are needed to more fully understand the extent and nature of these victimizations. Methodological issues that compromise the integrity of cross-national comparisons of self-report survey data have been identified. These issues have neither been systematically addressed, nor is there a consensus as to how to correct them. This article examines the effects that the definition and operationalization of rape have on completed and attempted rape estimates from the National Violence Against Women Survey in the United States and the Swiss component of the International Violence Against Women Survey. Survey design issues related to operationalizing the victim–offender relationship and its effect on rape estimates are discussed. Cross-national rape estimates with and without addressing the comparability issues are presented. The implications for engaging in comparative rape research are also discussed.

1. Why is it so important to obtain valid and reliable cross-national estimates of violence against women?
2. What are some of the main differences between the way rape is measured by the NVAWS and the CH-IVAWS?
3. What effect may the lack of comparable definitions have on cross-national comparisons of crime?

Van Dijk, J. (2015). The case for survey-based comparative measures of crime. European Journal of Criminology, 12(4), 437–456. doi: 10.1177/1477370815585446

Abstract: The author argues that statistics of police-recorded crimes have limited utility for cross-country analyses of crime, owing to varying legal definitions, reporting patterns, and recording practices. In his view, stand-alone national victimization surveys, with their varying methodologies and questionnaires, cannot reliably be used for cross-national comparisons either. This is especially true for older versions of such surveys, modelled after the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) of the United States, which try to mimic their country’s official statistics of police-recorded crimes. Victimization surveys in the European tradition use less legalistic definitions of the public’s experiences of crime and are therefore more conducive to international standardization. When such surveys are standardized to cover the common ground of crime in multiple jurisdictions, as is the case in the International Crime Victims Survey, they can provide comparable data on the level and trends of crime of individual nations at relatively modest costs. In addition, such surveys can provide comparative data on crime reporting by victims, on satisfaction with responses from police and other agencies, as well as on public attitudes toward safety and criminal justice. In the discussion, the author argues for an expedient execution of the planned Safety Survey in the European Union and further work on the standardization of victimization surveys across the world by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.

1. In what ways do the approaches used by American and European victimization surveys differ?
2. Why does the author argue against the use of police-recorded crime statistics as indicators of crime trends?
3. How and why does a nation’s level of technological advancement affect the rates of recorded crime?

Uludag, S., Colvin, M., Hussey, D., & Eng, A. L. (2009). Democracy, inequality, modernization, routine activities, and international variations in personal crime victimization. International Criminal Justice Review, 19(3), 265–286. doi: 10.1177/1057567709334955

Abstract: Using the International Crime Victimization Survey (ICVS), this study investigates the relative contribution of macro-level variables (democracy level, modernization, world system status, and inequality) and individual-level variables (marital status, age, gender, education, and income) in predicting the occurrence and intensity of personal crime victimization. The analysis utilizes multilevel regression, which controls for the “nesting” of individuals living in the same nation and controls for unmeasured random effects among the 42 nations under study. The results of the zero-inflated negative binomial (ZINB) regression analysis indicate that individual characteristics are better predictors of both the occurrence and intensity of personal crime victimization than are macro-level variables related to political and economic conditions of nations. Findings of the current study diverge from those of previous international studies that used official crime data.

1. What are some of the weaknesses of international victimization surveys?
2. Given these weaknesses, why did the authors choose to use victimization survey data?
3. The only significant findings in this study came from Research Question 5. How do the independent variables in this question differ from those of the other four and why might this affect the results?

Macy, R. J., & Johns, N. (2010). Aftercare services for international sex trafficking survivors: Informing U.S. service and program development in an emerging practice area. Trauma Violence Abuse, 12, 87–98. doi: 10.1177/1524838010390709

Abstract: International sex trafficking into the United States appears to be a serious and growing problem, although the evidence regarding prevalence, risk, and consequences is incomplete. Nonetheless, human service providers are increasingly being asked to offer services to sex trafficking survivors. Consequently, providers need information to guide services and program development in this emerging practice area. To address this knowledge need, we systematically reviewed and synthesized 20 documents addressing the needs of and services for international survivors of sex trafficking into the United States. The main finding from the review shows the importance of a continuum of aftercare services to address survivors’ changing needs as they move from initial freedom to recovery and independence. Based on our synthesis of the reviewed literature, we present a service delivery framework to guide providers’ development of services for survivors.

1. What are some of the person-level factors that place individuals at risk of human sex trafficking?
2. Who is most likely to be a victim/survivor of human sex trafficking? Why?
3. What different types of abuse do many, if not most, victims of trafficking encounter?
4. What are some of the common medical effects that victims suffer as a direct result of trafficking?

McPhail, B. A. (2002). Gender-bias hate crimes: A review. Trauma Violence Abuse, 3, 125–143. doi: 10.1177/15248380020032003

Abstract: Currently, hate crimes and hate crime policy are receiving increased public and scholarly attention. Much of the attention has been focused on crimes committed out of bias toward a victim’s membership in a group based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity/national origin. However, more recently, gender has been included as a status category, often causing heated debate. This article looks at the history of the initial exclusion, then inclusion, of gender in the hate crime domain. The reasons for the uneasy fit of gender as a status category are recounted, as well as arguments both for and against inclusion of gender within the hate crime model. The problem of gender essentialism is examined, which results in the marginalization of the multiple category statuses of many women. The article concludes with implications for research, policy, and practice.

1. What are some of the social movements which influenced the emergence of hate crime policy?
2. Why does McPhail prefer to use the term “bias crime?”
3. What are the two basic parts, or elements, of a bias crime?
4. What are some of the common crimes motivated by hate?
5. The first congressional hearings on hate crime occurred in 1985 and centered on the three categories of race, religion, and ethnicity. Why were women deliberately excluded primarily?

Robbins, J., Hunter, L., & Murray, G. R. (2013). Voters versus terrorists: Analyzing the effect of terrorist events on voter turnout. Journal of Peace Research, 50(4), 495–508. doi: 10.1177/0022343313479814

Abstract: Scholars and policymakers commonly assume terrorism is intended to affect a broader audience beyond the physically targeted victims. Informed by scholarship regarding the effects of heuristics and emotion on political cognition and behavior, we evaluate the impact of terrorism on the broader audience of the electorate as manifested by voter turnout. We hypothesize that increased terrorism is associated with increased voter turnout. In particular, we invoke the Affective Intelligence model and its related findings that emotion plays a key role in individual’s political cognition and behavior. Following this perspective, we argue that terrorist attacks are threatening and novel political events that induce anxiety in the electorate, which, in turn, leads individuals to scrutinize the political environment more closely and to ascribe greater salience to proximate political events. As a result of this increased concern with the political environment and increased salience of upcoming elections, we expect voter turnout to increase. While conventional explanations of turnout are important, they do not capture the effect of emotions despite other well-known relationships, such as attitudinal responses to international political crises (e.g., the rally 'round the flag effect). Our cross-national analyses, which include 51 democracies and use two geographically and definitionally distinct datasets, indicate that the positive relationship between terrorism and turnout is non-trivial and robust.

1. In what ways do terrorist attacks affect voter turnout?
2. How might this effect be linked to the concept of secondary or indirect victimization?
3. Why does it appear that terrorist attacks are linked to voter turnout and in what ways might this linkage affect terrorist activity?

Dewan, S. E. (2014). Patterns of service utilization among pre-certified victims of human trafficking. International Social Work, 57(1), 64–74. doi: 10.1177/0020872813507592

Abstract: This exploratory study examined factors associated with service utilization among pre-certified victims of human trafficking. The Andersen-Newman model of service utilization guided the examination of the predisposing, enabling, and need factors associated with service utilization. Tier level of country of origin was associated with the use of information and referral services; referral source was associated with the use of mental health services; and type of trafficking was associated with the use of mental health services and information and referral services. Type of trafficking predicted the total number of services utilized. Victims of sex trafficking used fewer services compared with victims of labor trafficking.

1. What types of vulnerabilities are seen in victims of sex and labor trafficking?
2. How do victims of sex trafficking and victims of labor trafficking differ in the type and amount of services used?
3. The researchers found an association between referral source and use of social services. What implications does this finding have for criminal justice and victim service professionals who may work with trafficking victims?
4. Is it possible that the pre-certification status of the victims in this study affected their utilization of services? If so, why and how? If not, why not?